Partner Auckland NZ

Covid Hotel Quarantine on the Tax Payer

2020.10.24 09:20 StacheyMcStacheFace Covid Hotel Quarantine on the Tax Payer

Wondering why people coming in to NZ from overseas are not having to pay for the cost of quarantine. With the luxuries being provided it’s not cheap!
Mate One (Kiwi) has come and gone twice now, each time being quarantined at a hotel and not paid a cent. He hasn’t even paid taxes in years as he’s mostly overseas.
Mate Two (Kiwi) just came back from a trip overseas and has brought back with him a partner (foreigner). Staying at a flash hotel in downtown Auckland with a full restaurant menu (no cost) and option to order Uber Eats.
This must be quite the expense. Why couldn’t these people in quarantine foot some of the bill?
Edit: Sounds like it is paid in most instances for those who depart after August. So I should do my research then as mate one left back in April or so and mate two came and went probably before early August. Choice.
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2020.10.19 11:31 raka83 Why is it so hard to find a suitable girl?

Hi I am 37 , male North Indian Background reasonable looks , Qualified MBA living in Auckland NZ Citizen .I am looking for a partner for marriage Caste religion is not a problem for me . I am looking from both India and locally.Why do I get no responses from people I have advertised on Websites , Local newspapers etc , Is it because both my parents have passed away and I am an orphan??
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2020.10.19 05:26 Warm-North-1998 A little rant about an Air NZ flight I caught inbound from LAX to Auckland a couple days ago and the way they're going about reducing transmission spread on their aircrafts...

So as we all know already the pandemic has caused havoc all over the world and especially in the United States.
A couple days ago I was on a flight with my partner from LAX to Auckland and we were surprised that Air New Zealand decided that it'd be appropriate to be serving food and alcohol. Now I get it, it's a long flight and people get hungry but what the actual fuck? It's not a mystery why the United States is managing the pandemic so poorly and i don't need to go on about that as we've seen it all already through the media, but to me this is was insanity.
The aircraft was completely full, no social distancing between seats and serving dinner, breakfast and alcohol like it was normal times. For starters it's a known fact that indoor dining/eating results in community spread and is the sole reason why NYC has banned it, but to see a complete lapse of judgement by Air New Zealand is astonishing to say the least. And to be serving alcohol? It's a known fact that alcohol encourages poor judgement and it's not unreasonable to say that it encourages people to loosen up, take off masks and lapse on their hygiene for the duration of the flight. What disappointed me even more was fellow Kiwi's having such a blasé approach to the whole thing knowing that they had just come from one of the worlds hotspots, and were openly putting their fellow citizens at risk.
I don't know what else to say really but I don't think this is fair on our quarantine staff and the NZ public at all. Although we have mandatory isolation we can't afford to risk community outbreak and the quarantine facilities cannot afford to have these flights coming in multiple times a week in this manner. It's not sustainable and an extremely risky tactic that needs to be stopped because the more people that come in sick, the more risk there is that covid manages to find its way into our communities.
If anyone has any advice what I could do to take their further that'd be great. I have the best interest our of country, our people and our health in mind here. Let's not ignore the science and take our finger of the pulse because we're amazing so far and to have something like this cause issues yet is so easy to prevent
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2020.10.03 10:52 courtenayplacedrinks What voting was like today in New Zealand (with COVID protections)

This will be long, so I broke it into sections. :)
To the ballot box
The polls opened today (Saturday) and will be open for the next two weeks.
I was sent a letter with an "easy vote" card I could tear out and hand to the the polling official. I could have just told them my name, but just this makes the process quicker.
The polling place was 2 minutes from my apartment. It closed at 4:30pm and I got there at about 4:15pm. Nobody else was there apart from the election workers.
First they asked me to scan the QR code with the government COVID Tracer app on my phone that works as a digital diary. The data stays on your phone unless you get COVID and choose to upload it.
Then they asked me to clean my hands with the sanitiser.
Then they asked me to write my name down in their log for COVID tracing, with a pen I kept for the whole process and was able to take away as a souvenir.
Then there were two empty queues to choose from. The young man at the table crossed my name from the electoral roll. Then he gave me a ballot paper for the election and ballot paper for the referenda (we're holding referenda on cannabis and euthanasia).
The ballot box was a desk with walls of plastic on three sides to give a sense of privacy. No one's within 5 metres of me anyway.
Choosing a party
We get two votes, one for the party and one for the local member of Parliament (MP). I am happy with how our Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern is running the COVID response, and that's probably the most important issue, but her party is polling at close to 50% and their likely coalition partner the Greens is safely over the 5% threshold. So I'm free to vote my conscience.
The party with the best policies is The Opportunities Party (TOP). They want to solve our housing affordability crisis by addressing the systemic root causes: high rates of immigration and tax incentives (we don't tax capital gains on land). They see themselves as a small party that can force rational, evidence-based policy concessions out of the major parties through coalition agreements, but they have to win seats first.
TOP has only been around for one election, they polled at 2.4% last election which was disappointing. Much of their poor performance is blamed on our 5% threshold which means that parties need to be polling at over 5% before they are considered viable by voters – a Catch-22 which means that we haven't seen any new parties since MMP, except in the seats that are reserved for indigenous Māori population.
Our main parties have drifted towards a centre dominated by Boomer politics and there's a consensus to ignore some big issues like housing, immigration, tax reform and agricultural carbon emissions, because they're considered "too risky" politically. They've preferred to make politics about the personalities of the party leaders using US-style "leadership debates" and generic party branding.
Without votes like mine the important issues won't get dealt with, so I feel a responsibility to vote TOP even if they won't make it into Parliament this election cycle.
Choosing a candidate
My local electorate, Wellington Central, is a safe seat, held by the Minister of Finance, Grant Robertson. He's also openly gay, which is nice. I don't feel a need to vote for him, because his seat is safe. He's also not best aligned with me politically. I don't like his party, for reasons described above. It's left-wing but it's ignoring the real social issues in favour of token change around the margins. So really it's doing the right-wing's job for them.
Another major contender for me is the Green Party co-leader, James Shaw. He's also a current MP. I like him, and wish the Green Party generally was a lot more rooted in his kind of economic pragmatism. He's not in danger of losing his seat, unless the whole Green Party gets under 5% which looks unlikely but could happen.
On the right there's Brooke van Velden, the libertarian ACT party deputy-leader. She's looking like she'll definitely get in on the ACT party list, as ACT are performing very well at the moment. The right-wing National Party has a new leader who's a bit of an old-school conservative so the more neo-liberal voters have switched to ACT instead. ACT doesn't have to meet the 5% threshold because they hold an electorate in an upmarket area of central Auckland.
Also on the right is siting MP Nicola Willis. She's an old-school conservative who's closely aligned with the new National Party leader so she has been promoted rapidly up their list and is now almost guaranteed to win her list seat again. The National Party is the main opposition party and has more seats than the governing Labour Party (but lost the last election due to not being able to form a majority coalition). National isn't strong in Wellington Central, which is a libertarian-left area.
So that's four local candidates who are guaranteed to get in on their party lists, one of which is guaranteed to win the seat. I don't see any point in voting for any of them.
I looked into the local TOP party candidate, Abe Gray. He's a pro-cannabis activist who runs a cannabis museum and sports a pretty decent hipster beard and a North American accent. He seems like a strong candidate. I almost voted for him.
There's a few others, a co-leader of the Legalise Cannabis Party, Michael Appleby, which has been one of the parties too stick around at around 1% for decades. A chap called Robert Bruce from the Outdoors Party who wants more festivals in Wellington and less plastic bottles (which sounds like a contradiction). Liam Richfield is a New Conservative, a young guy who presumably listens to too much Ben Shapiro. On the far right there's Gina Sunderland, an anti-abortionist from the recently formed Christian fundamentalist One Party.
There's also Rose Greally from the somewhat confused Advance NZ party which has been tarred as a conspiracy party, but is more likely just a vehicle that an ousted whistleblower MP, Jamie-Lee Ross, is using to stay relevant. It's unclear what they stand for, even from their website.
In the end I voted for an independent candidate, Jesse Richardson, an 18-year-old student who has made action on climate change the focus of his campaign. I found a clip where he talked intelligently about the Israel-Palestine situation and somewhat showed up the more seasoned politicians. He's not going to win, but if places ahead of some of the older candidates maybe he'll feel encouraged to go on to good things.
The referenda
We get to vote on legalising cannabis. This is a no-brainer. I'd legalise and regulate most drugs if it were up to me. At least cannabis, LSD and MDMA. Based on polling it looks like the "reefer-endum" won't pass.
We also get to vote on legalising euthanasia. This one is a little more risky. I wanted to understand the check and balances and incentive system. It all sounds like it's been carefully thought through and the opposition just seems like hysteria from the fundamentalist Christian right. Based on polling it looks like the "refer-end-em" will pass.
And that's it. It was all over in less time than it took you to read this. Quick, simple and hygienic. I just wish we had a ranked ballot, rather than this party list system, but that's a story for another day.
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2020.09.19 10:14 GraphiteOxide FHB consider boycotting this market, if you have not already

I have been looking at buying a house for quite some time, my partner and I have about ~$250k as a deposit (including 40k in kiwisaver). The houses we like the look of generally fall between 950k and 1.15M. Just after the first lockdown we submitted a tender just under 1.1M on a property which had an estimated value between 1.05M-1.15M, we assumed that due to COVID our offer was reasonable. To our shock, the accepted offer was 1.35M. A whopping 200K more than expectations.
Every time the interest rates drop, the media goes on about how this is great for us FHBs, and you get editorials from some big shot real estate agents about how it is such a great time to buy. The honest truth I can see is that house prices are directly linked to interest rates. Every time the market starts to cool, the govt, without fail will drop the rates. The media and real estate big wigs claim this saves us money, but that's utter horse shit. All it means is the banks will now lend you more, so you can bid higher, and you have to compete with people that are happy to pay as much as the bank will lend them and thus the prices continue to rise. With rates almost zero, I feel like the days of dropping rates to prop up the housing bubble may finally be coming to an end.
We have had in the last year a huge disruption to the economy, which will have a lasting impact going forward. Yet the market, in Auckland especially, has exploded. In a time of such uncertainty, I am making a conscious decision to step back from the housing market and not contribute to these prices. If you are in a similar situation, and have been as frustrated as me, maybe stepping back is for the best. If FHBs together stop getting so invested in owning a house in the near term, the end result may be better in the long term. Personally the amount we save outpaces the market in terms of our borrowing power, so holding off only strengthens our buying position. It is the strongest position you can be in, cash rich, young, no house to sell, don't give that up for a bad deal.
Auctions especially grind my gears and deserve boycotting. We have to go out of our way to get building inspections done, paying good money up front just to make sure we aren't being taken for a ride, and do all our due diligence in advance, then attend auctions at ridiculous times, 10am on a week day in the city?? And then after dropping money and all that effort there are 40 other bidders and the price goes 200k above the expected price. Real estate agents lie through their teeth to give you a false sense of hope just to get more bodies into the auction.
What do you guys think? Honestly to me a home is a place to live and call my own, I hate that NZ society allows it to be used so blatantly as a financial tool for investors to build wealth.
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2020.09.08 10:28 Pickup_your_nuts Barbara Angus: Diplomat and Historian 1924–2005

This biography, written by Elizabeth Cox, was first published in the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography in 2019.
Barbara Angus was one of New Zealand’s earliest woman diplomats, and its first female ambassador to head a bilateral post. Initially working as an historian, Angus joined the Department of External Affairs as a researcher at a time when few women held positions of influence or authority in the organisation. She gradually worked her way up the ladder, and was appointed ambassador to the Philippines in 1978.
Early years
Barbara Angus was born in Woodville on 15 January 1924, the second of three children of Cora Florence Webber and her husband, bank manager Archibald Douglas Angus. Archibald was frequently posted to different parts of the country, and Angus attended several South Island primary schools and later South Otago High School in Balclutha. She then attended the University of Otago, completing a Master of Arts in history in 1945, and the following year undertook a postgraduate teaching course at Auckland Teachers’ Training College.
Historical research
In 1947 Angus returned to Dunedin and was involved with writing a centennial history of Otago. The following year she moved to Wellington, and from 1948 until 1950 she was a research assistant in the War History Branch of the Department of Internal Affairs. During that time she wrote a number of ‘civilian narratives’ about the social history of New Zealand during the Second World War, particularly on different aspects of women’s experience.
Department of External Affairs
In 1950 Angus was appointed to a research position in the Department of External Affairs (later the Ministry of Foreign Affairs). Despite their university degrees, she and most other women in the department remained employed in the administrative section; it was not until the 1970s that women were recruited into the diplomatic service on the same terms as men. She later said that until she was around 40 she made virtually no progress up the ranks of the organisation, lagging about 15 years behind men who joined the department at the same time as her. Even when posted to her first position overseas, as an information officer at the New Zealand Embassy in Washington DC (1954–57), she did not have diplomatic status. One of her functions there was to write a monthly newsletter for New Zealanders living in the United States and Canada, giving them news from home.
Diplomatic service
Angus entered the diplomatic stream in 1958, when she was appointed Third Secretary; at that point there were only five women diplomats compared to 59 men. From there she served in increasingly senior posts in New Zealand’s embassies and consulates in Singapore (1962–64), Sydney (1964–68) and Kuala Lumpur (1972–75), interspersed with home postings to Wellington. The Sydney posting was particularly important as she was appointed to set up and head New Zealand’s new consular office there. Being in charge of her own office gave her confidence to further advance her career.
In 1976 she was appointed Minister in New Zealand’s Washington DC embassy, meaning she was second in charge; she had previously served in the embassy’s most junior post, and had never thought she would return in such a senior position.
During these postings she represented New Zealand at a number of important international events, sometimes as the country’s sole representative. She was the only woman diplomat present at celebrations to mark the formation of the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, and she was New Zealand’s representative at the 1965 United Nations Seminar on the Participation of Women in Public Life in Ulan Bator, Mongolia.
In 1978 Angus became New Zealand’s first woman ambassador when she was appointed to head New Zealand’s embassy in the Philippines (1978–81). At that time the Philippines was New Zealand’s third largest Asian trading partner, and New Zealand’s relationship with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which the Philippines was an important member, was growing in importance. Her appointment was welcomed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Brian Talboys, who described her as one of New Zealand’s ‘most able and experienced professional diplomats’. She was hailed as a ‘trail blazer for women’ by New Zealand media.
Ambassadors of this period usually had a spouse to assist them, but Barbara never married and managed her duties alone. Women in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were on a more equal footing with men by this time, but marriage remained a significant barrier to advancement for female diplomats.
Angus returned to Wellington in 1981 to head the Ministry’s protocol division, working with embassies and diplomats to ensure that New Zealand laws were observed; she later became the first woman Chief of Protocol.
Required to retire when she turned 60 in 1984, Angus nevertheless stayed in close contact with what became the Ministry of External Relations and Trade, chairing its grievance committee from 1988 to 1991. She also served on the Public Service Appeal Board in 1986. When the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade published its 50-year history in 1993, she wrote the chapter about women in the ministry. She reflected on the ‘haphazard and discriminatory’ recruitment system that saw women qualified for diplomatic service ranked as research assistants.
In retirement, Angus returned to her historical interests. She was a member of the Wellington branch committee of the New Zealand Historic Places Trust (1984–86), and a board member of the Katherine Mansfield Birthplace Society while it restored and opened the author’s home to the public in 1988. She wrote ‘A Guide to Katherine Mansfield's Wellington’ in 1985, and biographical entries on Mansfield’s schoolfriend Maata (Martha) Mahupuku and her diplomatic predecessor Jean McKenzie for the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography.
Barbara Angus was made a CMG in 1988 for her services as a diplomat and to the community. She remained modest about her achievements. Soon after her retirement she said that although she was the first in many diplomatic service positions, by nature she was not a pioneer: ‘I’m not one of the people who lead movements. I think I’m one who benefits more by the struggles of other women’. She suffered from dementia in later life, and died in Waikanae on 4 February 2005, aged 81.
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2020.09.04 10:13 Maxim_Sherstobitov Corporate Earnings Took a Hit Over the Reporting Season, but it Hasn't All Been Red Ink.

Corporate Earnings Took a Hit Over the Reporting Season, but it Hasn't All Been Red Ink.
Many companies more than held their own while others clocked up big profit increases.
Aside from aviation and tourism sectors, which bore the brunt of anti Covid-19 measures, analysts said the reporting season for those June 30 reporting stocks was better than expected.
Even so, annual results only captured three months of Covid-affected trading.
"It's been clear which stocks have benefited from Covid and which stocks have been ripped in half by Covid," Jarden analyst Adrian Allbon said.
As expected, Auckland International Airport and Air New Zealand were severely affected by border closures and lockdown measures.
The airport's after-tax profit plunged 63 per cent to $193.9 million on a 53 per cent fall in operating earnings.
Chairman Patrick Strange said the past six months had been the most challenging of Auckland Airport's 54-year history.
Covid-19 wiped out Air NZ's first-half result, and statutory losses before taxation, which include $541m of other significant items, were $628m, compared to earnings of $382m last year. The after-tax loss came to $454m.
Ironically, one of the season's bigger loss makers - Vista Group - enjoyed the strongest share price rally over August, when most results were reported.
Non-cash credit charges and credit provisions took the cinema software company to a loss for the six months to June of $43.2m, yet the stock shot up by almost 45 per cent over the month.
Clearly, the market was expecting much worse.
Also in the better-than-expected camp was Summerset, which reported a bottom-line profit of just $1m, from last year's profit of $92.6m.
Summerset's share price has also been firm, post result.
F&P Healthcare did not actually report, but it did issue a $100m earnings upgrade on the back of Covid-driven demand.
The expected closure of the Tiwai Point aluminium smelter in August loomed large over most of the power generators - the exception being the North Island-centric Mercury.
"Their earnings outlooks were opaque, as expected, because of the binary outcomes that could potentially occur," said one analyst.
Analysts rated results from Skellerup, Mercury, EBOS and Port of Tauranga highly.
Mark Lister, head of private wealth research at Craigs Investment Partners, said for the most part, stocks came through better than expected - even the ones that did it tough.
"It was still an ugly reporting season compared with previous years, but compared to expectations it wasn't too bad," Lister said.
As always, analysts were on the lookout for meaningful "outlook" statements as to how companies might fare in the year ahead.
For the most part, they came up empty-handed.
"Not a lot of businesses have got certainty. Some have, but most have not," Lister said.
Dividends, in these days of ultra-low interest rates, come into sharper focus.
"We have seen a lot of companies either reduce, or suspend dividends - companies you would usually see as reliable dividend payers."
Some dividends were scrapped altogether, others were reduced and some were lifted.
Mānuka honey company Comvita and NZME - publisher of the New Zealand Herald - talked about paying dividends again after a hiatus, which Lister said could be taken as a sign of confidence.
But few are under any illusions as to what lies ahead, as economic activity rapidly contracts as a result of Covid-19.
Across the Tasman, GDP shrank by 7 per cent in the June quarter - the biggest contraction since records began in 1959.
S&P Global Ratings said significant damage from Covid-19 would unfold across many Australian and New Zealand companies over the next few months.
"The fallout from the pandemic has yet to fully play out across the Australian and New Zealand corporate landscape," S&P Global Ratings credit analyst Richard Timbs said.
"We believe more pain is likely in companies' earnings amid the weakest macroeconomic environments in decades," Timbs said in a report.
"What's more, Covid-19 has driven or accelerated structural trends in a number of sectors, such as discretionary retail, that will potentially wipe out chances of a full recovery for some companies."
Government stimulus measures would remain a key "swing" factor in the recovery, S&P said.
"Nonetheless, we believe that worsening credit quality and defaults in the small and medium enterprise sector are likely to accelerate as these support mechanisms are removed," Timbs said.
"Indeed, we expect defaults to increase from a limited level so far."
Source: Jamie Gray, Business reporter, NZ Herald
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2020.08.30 07:17 shahinmonjezi Manifesting A Semester Studying Abroad

Posted my story on a couple FB greats and it has seemed to give inspiration to many people so thought I'd share it here too. Enjoy!
The wonderful story about the first time I tested and successfully manifested on a grand scale using Neville's teachings:
It was the spring semester of my junior year of college as a Business student at San Diego State University.
At the time, the thing that I desired most was to spend a semester abroad studying and living in a foreign country. I had long given up on the idea as I was already heading into my final year of university without having made any plans or preparations for studying abroad. At the same time, my parents were already struggling to support my tuition and living expenses, and I was barely scraping by financially as a broke college student. Nonetheless, if Neville Goddard's teachings were true, I knew I would have nothing to lose by testing them out to manifest studying abroad for a semester.
I decided definitely what I wanted: To spend an exciting memory-filled semester studying abroad in New Zealand (I was always intrigued by the country's natural beauty since watching the original Lord of The Rings movies) in the fall semester of my senior year, being able to return to San Diego, complete my studies, and walk in my graduation ceremony the following spring semester.
I also desired to make international friends from all over the world during my time abroad, and to journey with a few of them on a road-trip around the country after the completion of my studies abroad.
Here was the imaginal scene that I created:
The setting of the imaginal scene was the beautiful Milford Sound, in New Zealand's South island (I had also set a photo of Milford sound as my desktop photo on my laptop). Before I went to bed, I imagined myself as if I were in New Zealand looking at the beautiful glacier carved rock formations of Milford Sound. To my right were a group of 3 friends that I had made at university during my studies abroad, implying that this scene was taking place at the end of the semester.
I repeated to myself something along the lines of." I am so grateful that it all worked out" and having felt my desire fulfilled, dropped the image and dozed off to sleep.
3 days later, as I was walking on the main campus of SDSU, I ran into a girl that I hadn't had any contact with since my freshman year of college. She had lived in my freshman dorms and had been an acquaintance of mine.
She was happy to see me and I of her. I asked her what she had been up to, and she informed me that she had just returned from a semester studying abroad in Melbourne, Australia. She raved about her time there and the experiences she had. It was then that I informed her that I too was strongly considering studying abroad in Australia's neighboring country, New Zealand!
She became excited for me, as she had also spent 2 weeks traveling New Zealand's south island during her 2 week mid-semester break, speaking very highly of the country's natural beauty. She promptly listed out all the steps I would need to take to Study abroad the following semester, informing me that the first step would be to attend one of the study abroad workshops held by the college of business . I thanked her for the information and exchanged contact information as we went our separate ways (yes, I was astonished by the incident!)
That very same evening, I received in my inbox an email from the college of business informing me of an upcoming study abroad workshop taking place on the Thursday of that week..
That Thursday I attended the workshop. There were about 15 people in total and the workshop was run by a woman who introduced herself as the Director of Study Abroad Affairs for the College of Business,
The meeting commenced and she gave us all the information we needed to know if we desired to study abroad, including application deadlines for those of us who desired to study abroad the following semester.
She proceeded to the financial portion of the workshop, informing us that SDSU operated on a partner university exchange program, meaning if we desired to study abroad at a partner university, we would pay SDSU tuition, and trade spots with another student from our desired university! On top of that, she informed us that SDSU had a large scholarship fund that awarded grants for student's plane tickets to travel abroad! All that was left was to cover were housing and living costs, and considering that San Diego was already one of the priciest places to live in the world, studying in foreign countries where the cost of living was cheaper and spending stronger US dollars could actually save us money!
But, it only gets better...
Toward the end of the workshop the director of study abroad affairs took a poll regarding where the students in the workshop desired to study. She asked who desired to study in Europe, and 10 of the 15 people raised their hands. She then proceeded to Asia, and another 4 people raised their hands. She then got down to the Oceania universities and asked if anyone desired to study in Australia or New Zealand. To my surprise, I was the only one with my hand up.
She decided that she should use me as a guinea pig example to see if I would actually be eligible to study abroad at my desired University. She brought up the Auckland University of Technology's transferable business courses to SDSU credits. She then questioned me to what core business courses I had left to complete my degree. After her demonstration she showed that AUT in New Zealand had an abundance of courses for me to choose from to complete my core curriculum and that the university would be a perfect fit for me! She even concluded the demonstration by saying,"If you apply to be nominated for a study abroad experience next semester, you might as well pop the champagne now, because you're a shoe-in!"
I applied for the program that week, and just a few weeks later was notified that I had been nominated to study abroad at AUT in Auckland, NZ for the fall semester of my senior year, exactly as I desired! My friends and family were all caught off guard because I had never even spoken of the desire to them! That's how fast it all happened!
Now there were some even more amazing synchronicites....too many to list out in this post (my boss for a summer bookkeeping job I took on that summer decided to pay for my $1400 plane ticket using his credit card travel reward points for a $700 job I performed + I was awarded a grant in the amount of $900 by SDSU to contribute toward my travel expenses!)
Nevertheless, In July of 2017 I got on a plane departing LAX and landed in Auckland, NZ, spending what would be the most amazing time of my life studying and living in the middle of Auckland's city center, exploring the city on weekends, enjoying the nightlife, making International friends from all over the world, learning about Kiwi culture, taking a 2 week backpacking trip up Australia's East coast during my semester break and most notable of all, going on a 2 week road trip around New Zealand's south island after the completion of my studies abroad with 4 of my closest international friends that I had made during my semester at AUT (Yes, we stopped at Milford sound on that road trip, and yes I shed a couple tears at the realization that I had created the experience by first entering it in my imagination 10 months before!)
I know this was a lengthy post, but if you made it this far, then take my story as a sign that Neville's teachings are very real and they do work, and if you have any doubts, just test them out as I did. You will surprise yourself at how powerful you are in creating your own experience of life. Yes, it does take practice to discipline your mind and focus on the things you desire to experience in your imagination, but the rewards are priceless
To all of you lovely souls who took the time to read this post, I send you love, and happy manifesting on your journey!
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2020.08.28 03:10 FutureKiwiThrowaway [IWantOut] 25-30M Engineer USA -> NZ/Anywhere

My partner is a permanent resident of New Zealand and citizen of the UK, and we are planning to get married when we can. We are looking for guidance on me getting to NZ once the pandemic clears up. We are thinking about the partner of a permanent resident visa, but it does require us to have lived together for 12 months. I will most likely be staying in the US for 3-4 more years for the time being, so the WHV route may not be an option to satisfy the requirement to live together for 12 months. The immigration site does say to provide information on time spent living apart, but I am unsure if our situation would be acceptable. Are there things I am missing in this path?
Another thing I've been wondering about is finances. We will most likely be in the Auckland or Christchurch areas, and I would like to be able to provide for the both of us (and our future family) on my salary. I've done some quick calculations, and it seems to be possible. Provided things go as they are right now, I'll have 5-7 years experience as an engineer by the time we plan to be together. Are my assumptions correct in this?
Thank you for reading!
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2020.08.23 12:18 wereonweis Moving to Wellington from Adelaide, Aus.

My partner and I are both chefs and very keen on good food and natural wines. Apparently Wellington is emerging as the food capital of NZ. We’re both originally from London but moved to Aus a couple of years ago. Looking for best food and wine recommendations and how this compares to Auckland. I lived in NZ (Raglan and Hamilton) when I was much much younger so don’t have much recollection of the food etc. Very welcome to any suggestions or recs... Thank you! X
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2020.08.23 02:22 BerkNewz HELP PLEASE: Rental tenancy agreement - is this a fair/standard request?

Hi All - I'm hoping someone with current NZ legal/property experience and/or the Tenancies Act may be able to assist here. My gut is saying RED FLAG however beyond that i am stumped.
Me and my partner have just been advised we are the successful applicants for a rental property in Auckland, being listed through Barfoot and Thompson. We have just received an email from the agent asking to pay '1 weeks in advance' of $525, within 24 hrs for them to cancel the listing and carry through with us, otherwise sorry, move on. It continues to say we will not receive the tenancy agreement until this is done. We have not been provided any details surrounding the tenancy to date, and the above money does not clearly indicate if it represents advance rent, a portion of the bond, or maybe a hidden letting fee, (which it sounds like). There is no indication it is refundable either. The move in date is not for another 3.5 weeks.
Our layman take is that this feels very disingenuous and does not put us in a fair and equitable position to hand over money with essentially no idea what will happen. We are good tenants and are serious about the place as working professionals. We have excellent references which where supplied and (presumably) helped us be selected. We have been in our current rental for 4 years so are not sure if the game has changed. In 10 years of renting however, both pre and post the leasing fee being abolished, i have never been asked to front money with zero contract or details in place.
Would greatly appreciate any advice ASAP, especially from someone with experience. Currently feels like a gun is held to our heads which does not seem kosher for a well known reputable firm.
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2020.07.30 05:55 computer_d Popular opinions from a Green supporter...

TLDR: Labour have been granted a free pass from much of NZ public largely on the back of the success of the Covid response. More to Greens than social justice if you take notice. NZ First goneburgers. Expect Greens in on the back of AKL Central. Act will grow.
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2020.07.30 05:37 chrisf_nz Unpopular opinions from a National supporter...

TLDR: Labour have been granted a free pass from much of NZ public largely on the back of the success of the Covid response. More to National than roads if you take notice. NZ First goneburgers. Expect Greens in on the back of AKL Central. Act will grow.
To summarise, I believe that:
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2020.07.27 23:50 Maumerbb Likelihood of getting a visa to connect flights in Auckland on the way to Australia? - COVID

During the Covid-19 pandemic: Can anyone comment on the likelihood of getting a visa to connect flights in Auckland on my way to Australia?
I am a Canadian married to an Australian and I have permission to enter Australia to join my partner there, but I cannot find information about connecting flights through New Zealand. I know that I need to request permission but I am wondering what the likelihood of getting a yes from the NZ government is?
I have connected flights in Auckland many times on my way to visit my partner in Australia but I am not sure if they will let me during the pandemic.
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2020.07.25 11:52 allclearnz Why you require asbestos testing & risk assessments?

Any architecture, manufacturing and industrial facility holder planning refurbishes or demolishes any structure insulated piping, or heavy machinery has the potential of encountering asbestos-containing materials (ACMs).
The work on any refurbishes or demolishes of a building project can come to a halt if the employees encounter any building material that is suspected of being ACM and was not previously identified and confirmed. As per the regulations, certain types of ACMs must be removed by a certified Asbestos testing Auckland Abatement Contractor before commencing any renovation/demolition activities.
An asbestos management plan has been used in numerous building manufactures material and vehicle products because it added strength, stability, resisted corrosion, improved heat and chemical resistance, and provided acoustical insulation.
What do you about Asbestos?
The term asbestos refers to different types of naturally occurring minerals that fall into two main categories:
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2020.07.21 15:22 lolpolice88 Māori-Asian solidarity in Aotearoa can be game-changing
" By Maggie Shui
When we talk about race relations in this country, how often do we consider the relations between Asian tauiwi and tangata whenua? It’s time for all of us Asian New Zealanders to come to terms with our status as settlers on colonised land, and find solidarity with the Indigenous people of the place we’ve chosen to move to.
“When you and your parents came to New Zealand, were you aware of Māori at all?”
This is the question Manying Ip, an academic who has researched and written extensively on Māori-Chinese relations throughout history, poses to me. Embarrassingly, I hadn’t ever thought to ask my parents this.
We moved to Aotearoa from Luoyang, a city in China’s Henan province, in the 90s; I was five months old and my parents were “skilled migrants”. It’s a classic story for many of our recent pan-Asian migrants in this country, for whom moving here became a lot easier once New Zealand’s immigration criteria began to focus more on skills and money rather than countries of origin. When I tell Manying my parents were both engineers, she laughs at how stereotypical it all is. “Ah, engineers! Remember, it was a point system and engineering already carried 15. You only need 20.”
To answer Manying’s question, it’s safe to say that in 1995 my family was moving into what we saw as a Pākehā world. For centuries, tangata whenua had lived, educated, healed, disputed and settled according to Māori systems and beliefs. In the last 250 years, colonisers to this country and their descendents replaced many of those existing structures with European ones. And they built those structures on land taken by conquest, confiscation and exploitative purchase.
Those replacements are now our default. On the mainstream level, we now live, educate, heal, dispute and settle within systems that, at their core, stem from white European origins. So when we talk about race relations in this country, we tend to focus on relations between Māori and Pākehā.
The writer as a baby Chinese immigrant in Aotearoa, 1996.
But where do Asian New Zealanders fit in this, if we have a place in this at all? The classic reason our parents give for moving to New Zealand is “for a better life”. So some people might argue we should just leave it to Māori and Pākehā to duke it out via Treaty settlements and opinion articles, while we quietly focus on building those better lives and doing justice to the sacrifices our parents made in moving here. Besides, they argue, our ancestors were not the ones who took Indigenous land by conquest, confiscation and exploitative purchase. In the grand scheme of the history of Aotearoa, we just got here.
But really, that kind of thinking doesn’t cut it anymore. It’s time we examine our own relations to the Indigenous people of the land that we live on - of whom we may or may not have been aware of when we first came here. Once we start examining those relations, we can begin to grapple with our position as settlers on colonised land, and make greater sense of our place in this country. And from there, we might realise we have lots of reasons to stand in solidarity with tangata whenua.
What racism among Asian New Zealanders looks like
I can’t exalt Asian solidarity with tangata whenua without first confronting the racial prejudices that exist in our communities towards Māori people.
Henry, who doesn’t want to use his real name to keep his family anonymous, moved to New Zealand from China in the 90s. Like me, his parents were both engineers (another classic migrant story). The Tiananmen Square Massacre of 1989 was the final push in their decision to, in Henry’s words, “get the fuck out of China.” Once in Auckland, his dad’s first job was as a cleaner at Westfield Manukau. Now, Henry is 25 and works at a law firm and his family are what he’d call “upper middle class”.
He says his parents’ explicitly racist views are something he struggles to grapple with. “They’re real stereotypical views like Māori are all criminals, they don’t work hard, they just go on the benefit and get money for free,” says Henry. “And growing up as a kid, I was influenced by those views and that has shaped my understandings.”
It’s hard to explain to your parents who’ve worked and struggled more than you ever have that they are privileged in ways that other groups of New Zealanders are not. “They're thinking they immigrated here with nothing. They had no connections,” says Henry, trying to see it from his parents’ perspective. “And now, they’re in a decent position economically. They’re thinking, ‘We could do it so why can't brown people too?’”
This model minority mindset is prevalent among pan-Asian communities in Aotearoa. I’m sure these quotes are familiar to many of us.
But if Bill the Pākehā boomer tearing up the comments section has become the poster child of New Zealand racism at large, Asian parents espousing “pull yourself up by the bootstraps” philosophy has become the poster child of Asian New Zealand racism. Our anti-racism conversations tend to centre on matters like: How do we talk to our parents? How can we get them to understand systemic racism when we’re so bad at explaining things in our mother tongue? One law student I spoke to says she told her Fijian-Indian dad, “I feel bad on behalf of you,” as she struggled to get through to him why Bastion Point is rightfully Ngāti Whātua land. I admire her efforts to communicate what she learned from her corporate governance course to her dad - conversations like that take mental and emotional energy. However, her words sit uneasy for their mild paternalism.
Racism among Asian New Zealanders is not exclusive to our parents’ generation. Vivien Whyte grew up living in Epsom, a wealthy suburb in Auckland, with her Afakasi Samoan dad and Chinese Indonesian mum. She could see Asians at her school buying into a kind of model minority mindset, “perpetuated by the fact that we're all living in very privileged circumstances… When they see themselves as hard working, it's the same sort of mindset that their white peers have. They just see themselves in the same bubble as their white peers.”
This is especially true for East Asians such as Chinese and Korean New Zealanders. Alyssa Medel, a Filipino-Kiwi theatre maker, went to the same school as Vivien in Epsom. She says she and her family were lucky to stumble upon a rental that was “super affordable for where it was.”
High school for Alyssa was an isolating experience. Most of the Asians at her school came from privileged backgrounds and were either Chinese or Korean. The school’s most prominent Asian cultural clubs were geared to Chinese and Korean students. “It felt strange being the only brown person there and trying to be part of that group.” Like Vivien, she could see students buying into those similar pull-yourself-up-by-the-bootstraps philosophies that we associate with our parents’ generation - often in the form of resentment towards affirmative action initiatives like targeted admission schemes for Māori and Pacific students studying medicine.
Our parents benefit from New Zealand’s systems in ways that Māori and Pacific people do not. But many of us 1.5, 2nd and so forth generation Asian New Zealanders benefit from those systems so much more. We have the cultural capital of being fluent in English, which lets us navigate public spaces at ease, access more educational resources, enjoy tacit validation from white New Zealand and be less of a target of racial prejudice towards ourselves. Our parents might have built a comfortable wealth over the past few decades, which gives us the financial security to take more risks and live without a scarcity mentality. Henry’s parents protested in 1989 against an unchecked government that silenced demonstrators with deadly force - how much can someone like me teach them about structural oppression? They’ve lived through it, while I barely understood Foucault in a Stage II politics paper.
Alyssa says those mindsets that lead us to disparage measures such as university targeted admission schemes for Māori and Pacific students often stem from a lack of knowledge. “A lot of Asians in our generation are not aware of the historical context of it.” Those of us with English ability and access to educational resources, with the most political and economic power in our Asian communities, are best placed to rectify that lack of knowledge.
“We could do it so why can't brown people too?”
My dad learned about immigration to New Zealand through a newspaper ad while working in Nanjing. It’s more likely the ad featured Windows XP desktop-esque rolling hills and blue skies than any depiction of the Indigenous people who come from that land.
So once Chinese people from our recent immigration wave arrived in New Zealand, they, in Manying’s words, “took on the prejudice of the Pākehā world. Because they think that the Pākehā world is the norm. Because New Zealand is white, New Zealand is a Western country.” Many of these Chinese migrants go on to have little social interaction with tangata whenua, says Manying, mostly learning about Māori people through Chinese newspapers. And these newspapers tend to be filtered through a Pākehā lens as they’re often translations of mainstream English-language media (which don’t tend to have the most diverse newsrooms).
It becomes easy for the whiteness of the structures we live and work within to become invisible, while the token nods towards kaupapa Māori across our institutions become examples of how well we treat our Indigenous people in this country.
Our government follows the Westminster model, a system for government brought to Aotearoa by British colonisers. (Photo: Getty)
These institutions might be dressed in Māori names, such as Oranga Tamariki, or they might include entities such as the proposed Māori Health Authority in the government’s recently announced overhaul of our health system. But they are not institutions where Māori have rangatiratanga and mana motuhake - self-determination and autonomy - over themselves, and they are not institutions rooted in Māori values, tikanga Māori and te reo Māori.
For example, Oranga Tamariki, formerly called Child, Youth and Family (CYF), oversees a system where, as of June 2018, Māori children accounted for 68% of all children in state care. Can a system where Māori are so starkly overrepresented in child uplifts (Māori make up 16% of the population) possibly follow kaupapa Māori and recognise how intrinsic a connection to whānau and tūrangawaewae are to wellbeing? The Māori Health Authority, the proposed agency in the recent Health and Disability System Review, would focus on fixing the health disparities between Māori and non-Māori (on average, Māori live 7 years less than non-Māori and non-Pacific people). However, there’s no consensus on whether this entity would control the funding and commissioning of services for Māori. Is it really a Māori Health ‘Authority’ if the agency does not have authority over resources and funds? These are systems built from white European origins, with kaupapa Māori sprinkled on top in recent years insofar as they don’t mean self-determination for Māori.
The question, “We could do it so why can't brown people too?” presumes that Asian New Zealanders come from the same circumstances as Māori. Asian migrants are a broad and nebulous group of people who’ve all experienced racial prejudice and navigated racist structures in different ways. Some came to Aotearoa because the alternative was to live under an authoritarian government or in a postcolonial country struggling to find its feet after recently gaining independence from British rule.
But just as our tīpuna were not the ones who took Indigenous land by conquest, confiscation and exploitative purchase, our tīpuna were also not the ones who were dispossessed of that land, marking the beginning of intergenerational trauma that flows into today.
As Dr Moana Jackson writes, “If the years since 9/11 have been marked by a “war on terror”, they are merely a minuscule and perverse reflection of the fact that colonisation has, for centuries, been a violent and unrelenting global war of terror.”
Where do Asian New Zealanders fit in all this?
Manying recalls a Taiwanese woman she interviewed in her research. The woman arrived in New Zealand in the 90s thinking she was a welcome guest - she and fellow Asian migrants obtained visas through their education, work experience or money, after all. But soon after arriving, she began to feel like a “gate-crasher”.
Manying recalls, “She said it was like arriving at a party and your host and hostess are quarelling. The hostess says, ‘You should not have invited this person. You have not asked me. You have no right to let these people in.’ Because the immigration policy was not made by Māori. It was made by the mostly Pākehā government, where the Māori didn’t have a lot of say.”
Against a backdrop where reparations in the form of Treaty settlements had only just begun, te reo Māori had just been declared an official language of New Zealand and the country was beginning to grapple with what ‘biculturalism’, the buzzword of the time, means in practice, we saw another new influx of immigrants. In Manying’s half-joking words, “We have just tried to establish biculturalism and these bloody Asians came and they say ‘multiculturalism’! You just mucked up the whole thing!”
The writer and her mum in Tāmaki Makaurau, 1997.
Aram Wu, who’s currently working on an educational resource on allyship with Māori, also came to Aotearoa from Taiwan in the 90s. He describes it as a time where, “racial tensions towards East Asians fuelled by New Zealand First anti-immigration rhetoric was at all-time high.” At his school, he was told to only speak in English to better assimilate into the ‘Kiwi’ way. “I harboured a sense of shame and rejection towards my language, my culture and my heritage to achieve the ultimate goal, being a Kiwi,” says Aram. “Irony was, I then had to spend thousands of dollars in university fees to learn my own language taught by Pākehā lecturers for the beginning of my own reclamation.”
Once at university, Aram was able to learn more deeply about our history beyond the cursory glances at the ‘The Treaty of Waitangi’ (as distinguished from Te Tiriti o Waitangi) offered in the standard school curriculum.
“Then the deep realisation set in: New Zealand has a problem. It has a racist problem not only towards immigrants but the inherent racism that is deeply rooted in the colonial legacy of this country towards Māori. What we suffered is still a small fraction compared to the land stolen, the suppression of one’s identity, culture, language, being and existence.”
“I often hear the words 不关我的事 (bù guān wǒ de shì), not my problem, this is not my issue,” says Aram of the attitudes he sees in his Taiwanese communities. “As immigrants, we have to make this our problem.”
One mind shift to both help us find our grounding as Asian migrants in this country and recognise that, really, this is our problem, is through recognising Te Tiriti. Instead of relegating ourselves to the role of ‘gate-crasher’ (or altogether disinterested side party), how about ‘Treaty partner’?
Asians Supporting Tino Rangatiratanga member Qian-Ye and the Tino Rangatiratanga flag. Photo: Julie Zhu
“Something that I used to struggle with as tauiwi, as an Asian who's not Māori or Pākehā, was: who am I to be getting involved in these issues?” says Janne Song, a Korean New Zealander working in the public sector in her first job out of university. A formative moment came when a university lecturer framed everyone’s status in Aotearoa as tangata tiriti.
“[They] helped me realise that Te Tiriti is what allows us to be here, and the minute you step foot in New Zealand, you become a partner to that treaty. For me, that was really important to be like, okay, so there is a mandate for me to do this. We shouldn't be saying, ‘Oh, this isn't our problem. I'm not Pākehā, so I'm not going to get involved’. Actually, you do have a duty.”
Mahdis Azarmandi, a lecturer at the University of Canterbury whose research has focused on racism and colonisation, reiterates this point saying, “Our existence here does infringe on Māori sovereignty, whether we like it or not. So as tangata tiriti we have an obligation to acknowledge that sovereignty and to uphold the Treaty.”
How can Asian New Zealanders find solidarity with Māori?
From the late 19th century, Māori and earlier Chinese migrants shared a kind of solidarity together, “because both were on the fringe of society,” says Manying.
“Socially, for example, they lived side by side, because they're market gardeners. There were romances and intermarriages and the rise of Māori-Chinese families. They were both in the same socioeconomic class. And both were politically deprived; the Chinese couldn't vote until they became citizens, which was in the 1950s. We can say that the Chinese and Māori were cousins in adversity, because both were equally despised.”
A poll tax certificate receipt from November 1904. From 1881, a poll tax was imposed on only Chinese immigrants to Aotearoa via the Chinese Immigrants Act, 1881. (Source: Archives New Zealand - Te Rua Mahara o te Kāwanatanga) (CC 3.0)
I passed Manying’s words on to my mum, and this notion that Chinese and Māori were once “cousins in adversity” came to her as a pleasant surprise. She admits that the last time she had any meaningful interaction with Māori people was with our neighbour George in Mt Albert over a decade ago (we still use the bookshelf George gifted us). The fact that Māori and Chinese people were once so close, that this was the norm rather than the exception, feels like a kind of hidden golden nugget of history.
And it lays some groundwork to build from for present-day solidarity between Asians and Māori.
One place to start growing those tendrils of connection in the present could be by looking to our whakapapa.
The question, “Where are you from?” has evolved into a loaded emblem of racial microaggression against Asian diaspora worldwide. It’s a question that, in some contexts, serves to accentuate you as foreign, as an Other. Meanwhile, those of white European origin who have no more claim to the land as you do are just regular ol’ New Zealanders with no need to hyphenate with, say, “Indian-” or “Filipino-”. Some white New Zealanders to this day still bristle at the term ‘Pākehā’ as it defines them as an ethnic group like any other ethnic group in New Zealand, rather than take them for granted as the default, quintessential New Zealander.
But in the context of tikanga Māori, this question can become the basis of forming connections between Māori and Asians and, really, among Asians ourselves.
A Chinese market garden on Great North Road in the 1900s (Source: Auckland Libraries Heritage Collections)
Tayyaba Khan came to New Zealand in the 90s (like many of us), from Pakistan by way of Japan. She is the founder of the Khadija Leadership Network and has involved herself in activism for many years, especially following 9/11 and the Islamophobia that raged even more fervently after that day.
Tayyaba says we can focus on emphasising the commonalities among the places we come from and their histories. People from her Pakistani community might better empathise with how colonisation continues to impact Māori people today when viewed through the lens of British colonisation of India, and the carnage of the 1947 partition of British India into India and Pakistan, which has led to conflict that continues today. Tayyaba says by making those connections and talking about “what that meant in terms of how we see whiteness today is less likely to get me into an awkward position with my community.”
Mahdis agrees, saying, “The solidarity that emerges out of shared experiences of colonisation, even if they're distinct, is really helpful. Drawing those parallels really helps because I think it hits home, particularly for the generation of parents and grandparents who have vivid recollection of living under colonial administration.”
Mahdis also suggests we can “share the burden” of speaking up. “We all know how hard it is when we have to educate white people when they say something or do something racist.” Asians have experienced that through Islamophobia, for example, or through the rise of anti-Chinese sentiment with Covid-19 fears.
“We're exhausted, having to educate. So I love when a friend just steps in and just says something. I'm like, thank you very much. I'm tired. And we have an obligation to do that for Māori too… I think there's strength in sharing our pain, because it makes it less heavy for us to bear.”
Mahdis and Tayyaba, along with several of the other voices we’ve heard from, have been working on sharing that pain and labour through Asians Supporting Tino Rangatiratanga (ASTR), a group for people with pan-Asian whakapapa supporting Māori sovereignty. Through events, workshops and, really, day-to-day life, they engage their communities in conversations about the impact of colonisation and white supremacy in Aotearoa.
ASTR at Ihumātao, 2019. Photo provided by ASTR.
With the recent peak in public consciousness of the Black Lives Matter movement, there has been a flurry of resources and articles on how Asian Americans can be effective allies for African Americans (as well as a flurry of responses to the merits and weaknesses of those resources).
But an underlying theme seems to be that the onus is on those with the means to do so to educate themselves and help educate others. And through that education, we can dismantle the ways we both interpersonally and structurally contribute to racism in Aotearoa. This is the work ASTR has been doing for years.
Aram says this educational process involves both unlearning racist and one-sided narratives, as well as learning new knowledge. For him and several other members, a key learning was our obligation as tauiwi to Te Tiriti which codifies Māori sovereignty. Learning about Bastion Point was also helpful for Aram as an example grounded in recent history of the Crown forcefully taking Indigenous land. Other avenues to follow are learning the history and kaupapa of your local area, learning te reo, and learning your own heritage and history stemming back to Asia.
Self-reflection, Aram suggests, is another part of this process. What presence does colonialism and imperialism have in the histories of our home countries in Asia, and how does it bleed into the mindsets and trauma we’ve carried into our home country of Aotearoa? How does colourism in Asia, which was intensified by white European colonisation (a chapter in the histories of many Asian countries), trickle into our worldview today? Is it just a matter of rejecting skin-whitening creams, or is its impact much more insidious in how it affects how we view ourselves and others? In what ways do we hold economic and political power, gained from working within white structures on colonised land, that others in this country don’t?
What’s also notable about ASTR beyond their efforts to educate themselves and others, however, is how this organisation connects disparate groups of Asian New Zealanders together. While many tauiwi are disconnected from tangata whenua, there is also disconnection among pan-Asian tauiwi. It seems this would be an interpersonal matter, but Tayyaba suggests it is also a matter of policy.
She says government initiatives are only geared to “make sure communities are flourishing on their own, because the assumption is that you want to just engage and interact with your own ethnically specific community.”
“They're not going to do work where actually the Chinese community is engaging with a Pakistani community… There is no interest from the government around putting initiatives in place where Māori engage with tauiwi. Where are those initiatives? Do you see them? If we just made that shift alone, it would change the game in this country.”
Considering critical mass is crucial to a successful movement, it really would change the game. If one tenet of effective activism in Aotearoa is education, forming connections among Asian tauiwi, and between Asians and tangata whenua, is another.
Race Relations Commissioner Meng Foon was notable during his time as mayor of Gisborne (from 2001-2019) as being the only mayor in the country who was fluent in te reo Māori. He’s a high profile example of an Asian New Zealander who has meaningfully engaged with te ao Māori and Māori people.
“I think it's imperative that we all learn about the [Indigenous] people of this country and make friends with them,” he says. “Because together we can work together and trade together and enjoy each other's company and enjoy the food and marry each other.”
At the end of our conversation, Meng leaves me with these words:
“Make an effort. It’s as simple as saying, I want to learn more.”
For Asian New Zealanders who want to learn more, a useful place to start is this resource list created by Migrant Zine Collective and Asians Supporting Tino Rangatiratanga.
Thank you to members of Asians Supporting Tino Rangatiratanga for their feedback and guidance for this article.
Banner photo: Julie Zhu"
submitted by lolpolice88 to Maori [link] [comments]

2020.07.10 10:03 boomfa_ [National - Day 4 - Post 3] boomfa_ appears on the AM Show to talk up Labour’s policy credentials.

Former Labour Party leader boomfa_ today appeared on the AM Show in his first public appearance since being released from Wellington Regional Hospital.
Duncan Garner: “...Now, today on the show I’d just like to welcome, or I suppose I should say welcome back, a politician who hasn’t made too many public appearances recently, and for a good reason. He served as Deputy Prime Minister, and was the leader of the Labour Party during their surge in the April 2020 election. Yep, it’s boomfa, the boomf, whatever you’d like to call him - and fresh out of hospital too! How are you doing boomfa?”
boomfa_: “I’m doing pretty good yeah Duncan, thanks for asking. I’ve been discharged from hospital for about a week so I’ve just been spending time at home with my wife mostly, occasionally having to take a few phone calls about the campaign and all that.”
DG: “Right, so the campaign. That’s what you’re here for, to discuss this election - and you’re actually running in it too, as a list candidate. Was the retirement from politics just not meant to be?”
boomfa_: “Yeah, well, I suppose it was - I didn’t quite expect to make such a swift recovery, and politically things have changed since then too. The consolidation of the National Party and the right wing, plus a concerning level of unorthodox policy being promoted by the left. Though I should really add that the National Party is certainly worse in this regard, it’s just that a National government is unsurprisingly something I want to avoid.”
Mark Richardson: “Right, sorry, I’ve just got to butt in here: could you elaborate on that? Unorthodox policy?”
boomfa_: “Well, to an extent it’s unorthodox policymaking too, but basically I mean the sort of policies that our civil servants - our advisors in the Treasury and MBIE and so-on - would have a serious heart attack over. And I’ll start on the left, since I’m sure you two will agree with me there, but I’m hoping to convince you that some of the stuff National is coming out with is bonkers too.
“So, my first issue is how the Greens and Mana Hapori like to rehash old political issues. This isn’t entirely surprising considering the doctrinaire approach taken by a lot of old-school leftists, but it’s a problem if it comes up in government. And I say this because I have had to argue these points before, points which were not refuted and were then accepted in negotiations. We sat down, pointed out the issues in their policies, and came to a reasonable compromise that was not my preference, but achieved their policy objective without there being any excessive externalities. Considering what happened last term I was not able to implement those policies, but I’d hoped that they would form a continuing consensus that would stop the fragmentation of the left into the ideological and the practical.
“And as for the specifics of this stuff, I’m talking about policies like mass nationalisation of utilities and that sort of thing. There seems to be an unwillingness to accept that policy actions have unintended consequences, and Labour is the only major party that seems to care at all about mitigating them. Although I’ve got to give the Greens credit in that they are open to discussion and can accept these realities where they’re pointed out. But I mean seriously - why the hell do we need or want to nationalise broadband? What’s the point in reversing partial privatisation when, I will concede to Key, we’ve seen improved efficiency and performance even compared to private sector energy generators? These policies are destructive, economically destructive, and they seem to only be a means to an end, that being universal free utilities. That is poor policymaking and the kind of thing that I am against - and don’t even get me started on rehabilitation in the criminal justice system, it’s like every election we see multiple parties promise to pour more and more money into a program that’s already well funded.”
MR: “Right, I can certainly see the issue there - are they suffering from amnesia? Has the left wing collectively taken a whack on the head?”
boomfa_: “Well, I’ve got to stop you there Mark - first off, the Labour Party certainly hasn’t taken a whack on the head, we’re standing up to this sort of thing. And secondly, it’s not just an issue with the left either. In fact, I’d say that we’re seeing stuff from the National Party that walks the weird line between incompetent and evil. You might have seen an ad Labour’s been running on Facebook, criticising a few National policies - we weren’t making that stuff up. If Mana Hapori wants to nationalise everything, you could say the opposite about National. I mean, privatising TVNZ, NZ Post and KiwiBank? It’s 2020, not 1980. Big cuts to expenditure across the board, we’re talking $3.5 billion cut from superannuation despite means-testing having already improved its long-term sustainability. That’s on top of raising the retirement age to 67. A $2 billion income tax cut with no specifics provided, meaning it’s undoubtedly going to benefit the wealthy over the working class. Lower corporation tax despite the fact the existing rate is already competitive and lower than the OECD average.
“But it gets even crazier: National wants to abolish local government. And the funny thing here (or at least it would be if it didn’t reveal their gross ignorance of our political institutions) but whoever wrote their manifesto doesn’t even know what those words mean. There’s this distinction between local government and ‘regional government’ as if our regional councils aren’t just a layer of local government. But anyway, if you want a National Government, say goodbye to the Auckland City Council, say goodbye to your local boards and district councils, say goodbye to local democracy or any democratic representation in our cities, because under them it’s gonna be gone. It gets worse, because their replacement plan is nonsense too. So they retain regional councils, but they won’t collect rates. The central government will, and will distribute them to regional councils. This is needlessly inefficient. Why add another layer of bureaucracy? Local government already has the capacity to raise revenue - or would if it’s not abolished. And I’ve not even got into how this would affect poorer regional economies that benefit from lower rates due to localised representation.
“And this sort of ineptitude isn’t just limited to their local government policy. Concerningly it pops up a lot in their economic policy too. They don’t quite understand what land value taxation is, or that it’s been handed off to local government - although they want to abolish that. I’ll just quote a sentence from their manifesto: ‘Regulate the Land Value Tax to restrain it's natural incentive to continuously develop land and standardise it as a Property Tax.’ This makes very little sense. First off they want to ‘regulate’ LVT, whatever that means, but then they want to ‘standardise’ it as a property tax. If it’s a property tax, it’s not a land value tax. And secondly, why on earth would you want to regulate it to end that incentive? It’s the entire reason why economists like land value taxation! The allocative efficiency benefits provided by LVT are its main appeal, it’s one of the few taxes which can actually create negative deadweight loss. And then if you want to remove that incentive, you’d have to start taxing more than the unimproved value of land, which not only makes the tax less efficient but it also makes it not a LVT. So you can see there that they don’t understand that particular concept.
“And speaking of LVT, they also promise not to increase it. This is despite the fact they also want to turn it into a property tax which would increase the tax burden anyway. Their manifesto is filled with these inanities, like removing one tax for every tax introduced - this is literally the opposite of evidence based policy and any party that proposes such a moronic maxim does not deserve to be elected. National does this twice by also including a ‘repeal 2 regulations for every 1 introduced’ policy. They also support a broad-base, low rate tax system but apparently want to make it narrower by repealing the carbon tax, which is bad in its own way too. I mean, I could go on and on Mark, don’t waste your vote on these guys - if you don’t want to vote Labour, pick Forwards! at least.”
MR: “Well, that was definitely a thorough analysis, to say the least. Quite lengthy but you’ve got a lot to say.”
DG: “All right, all right. So what’s Labour got to offer then? You’ve talked a lot about what the other parties are doing wrong, but what’s Labour doing right?”
boomfa_: “Well, to start with we’re the only party offering this sort of perspective on how New Zealand should be governed, and that’s valuable in itself. But as for policies, ours reflect that perspective, they’ve got vision but they’re practical. Closing tax loopholes to raise revenue, not with cuts or a luxury car tax. Introducing a low-rate capital gains tax to make our economy fairer and to reduce property speculation that benefits nobody. Reform of our health system to improve efficiency and service, and sensible vape regulation to fill a regulatory gap that’s been left for far too long. Big investments in early childhood education, building more state homes, improving rights for renters and growing our housing supply. Tackling the stain that is intimate partner violence, where we record the third highest level of physical or sexual IPV compared to other OECD member states. Protecting small businesses and driving research and development, working to improve New Zealand’s terrible productivity. I could go on, but try and pick holes in those policies, the specifics are in our manifesto. They’re sensible, can be implemented, and achieve a hell of a lot.”
DG: “Well boomfa_ it’s been great to have you on, quite an enlightening discussing I’d say. Not sure whether I’m ready to vote Labour yet but it’s food for thought. That was boomfa_ everybody, former Deputy PM and leader of the Labour Party.”
submitted by boomfa_ to MNZElection12 [link] [comments]

2020.07.07 01:15 qkrwogud Is anyone familiar with the restrictions on using Kiwisaver for a house as a previous home owner? This goes over a lot of the restrictions which effectively says you need to be in a similar financial position as a "first" home owner. But what I'm not sure about is about this statement "You do not have realisable assets totalling more than 20% of the house price cap for an existing/older property in the area that you are looking to buy in". It says the house price cap for existing/older home in Auckland is 600k.
Does this mean I can't use it to get an existing house over 600k in Auckland and I can't posses more than 100k (20% of 600k)?
If this is a case do these figures double if you're getting a property with your partner?
It's specific about this being around existing/older properties, does this mean the cap doesn't apply to new houses?
submitted by qkrwogud to PersonalFinanceNZ [link] [comments]

2020.07.05 05:33 O_1_O Keen to have a discussion on vaccines and NZ's long-term strategic approach to COVID-19

New Zealand has been extremely successful at eradicating community spread of COVID-19. However, most of our trading partners have not been very successful, and some have handled the response extremely poorly. This has meant that NZ has had to implement strict controls on movement at the border. The Government hasn't said this explicitly, but it seems that the intention is that these restrictions will remain until a vaccine is produced. With 40 different potential vaccines currently in various stages of testing and about another 100 in pre-clinical stages, this strategy seems reasonable. However, there are some potential issues NZ will need to consider moving forward. I will detail some of these below.
There is a widely held belief that a vaccine is possible within 12 months. However, this assumes that everything goes perfectly to plan. Further, a casual investigation of humanities previous attempts at producing a vaccine yields that it usually takes a decade for a vaccine to be produced, very rarely is a vaccine produced within 5 years, and no vaccine has ever been produced in less than four years (fastest was mumps vaccine 1963-1967). This has meant that there is a huge international effort and billions of dollars being used to fund research and speed up the process to "warp speed". But even if a vaccine is produced in this time, it is no guarantee that kiwis will be near the front of the line to get it.
The fast tracking of this process is also leading to some issues. For example, executives of a pharmaceutical company that had produced a vaccine considered closest to the finish line sold $30 million in company stocks after releasing "promising results". These results included three of the eight healthy participates experiencing severe side effects. Widespread vaccination of the public (around 70%) is necessary for the vaccine to have its intended effect, but instances like that described above could mean that even if a vaccine is produced in record time, the public become sceptical of its utility and safety. A recent study from University of Auckland found that anti-vax sentiment is growing and that 30% of NZers have skeptical views toward vaccines.
The other major issue is that humanity has never produced a successful vaccine for coronaviruses, despite having at least 17 years for one to be produced. There are some important issues that scientists have to navigate during this process that can make producing a usable vaccine difficult. For example, a vaccine could be produced that protects against the disease (you don't get sick if you get infected), but not against actually getting infected. This means that people become asymptomatic carriers of the infection and spread it more widely, which is problematic for those that are not able to be vaccinated (e.g. the elderly) for a variety of reasons.
The World Health Organization’s chief scientist, Dr. Soumya Swaminathan, recently stated that it will likely take at least 4-5 years to bring the virus under control. Another WHO official, Dr. Mike Ryan, stated that the virus may never go away.
To summarise, with the huge international effort being put forward to produce a vaccine, it is theoretically possible for one to be produced within 12-18 months. However, there are many obstacles and it seems that this isn't a likely scenario. At the very least, it seems over optimistic to assume that things will return to normal within 1-2 years. So given this, I was keen to hear peoples thoughts on how the strategy should evolve through time. Some prompting questions for discussion (but don't be limited by this) include:
submitted by O_1_O to newzealand [link] [comments]

2020.06.22 08:49 valiumandcherrywine In early April 1989, two young Swedish tourists who had been backpacking their way around New Zealand walked into the bush on the Coromandel Peninsula and never walked out.

Their names were Heidi Paakkonen (21) and Uban Hoglin (23). They had left Stockholm in September 1988 with plans to travel to Australia and then New Zealand. They intended to return to Sweden in May 1989. After a stint in Australia, they arrived in Auckland on the 5th of December 1988.
Urban was a keen outdoorsman, with interests in tramping (hiking) and fishing. He and Heidi purchased a 1976 Subaru wagon with bull bars on the front, and made their way south, interspersing the standard tourist stops of Punakaiki, Fox Glacier, and Queenstown with tramping forays into the New Zealand bush. These were not casual walks or even day trips – Heidi wrote home that one tramp took them 5 days to complete and they covered 85 kms, enduring changeable weather and carrying their gear in heavy framed packs.
By April 1989, the couple (they were engaged) had made their way north again and were exploring the Coromandel. The Coromandel Peninsula is on the east coast of the North Island, south of Auckland. It features pristine beaches and heavily forested hill country that is both steep and rugged. The pair stopped in Thames, one of the larger townships on the peninsula, to get haircuts on the 7th of April. The hairdresser remembered them specifically because of Urban’s height (she couldn’t lower the chair far enough and had to ask him to slouch down in the chair) and Heidi’s looks and long blonde hair. That is the last confirmed sighting of Heidi and Urban.
Heidi and Urban were expected home in Sweden on the 7th of May 1989. When they didn’t arrive, family presumed that their plans had changed and the alarm was not immediately raised. Then, on Friday, 26 May, 1989, the NZ Herald ran a story on the front page that said “A car belonging to a missing Swedish couple has been abandoned in Mt Eden [Auckland] for six weeks. The discovery worries Auckland police who were contacted by Interpol officers on Wednesday after a request from relatives.” The car had been parked in a Mt Eden street since the 14th of April, a week after Heidi and Urban had last been seen.
The police set up a special task force named Operation Stokholm, led by Detective Inspector John Hughes. A tip called in by a Coromandel local who had seen the extensive media coverage led the police to Tararu Creek Road, a few kms north of Thames. In mid-April local farmer had found a name tag on a fence, as if it had been ripped from an item of clothing. The name – Heidi Paakkonen – had meant nothing to him at the time, but now Heidi’s name was all over the news. The farmer returned to the location he had found the name tag, and after a brief search he located discarded clothing – male and female. The farmer reported his find, and by 28th May, a large group of police and search and rescue volunteers began an exhaustive search of the area, focusing on a location known as Crosbie’s Clearing, a bush clearing 7 kms up a steep track that started at the top of Tararu Creek Road. The search was intense and carried out by experienced personnel, but turned up nothing of interest. Even so, the next day DI Hughes announced to the media that the disappearance was now a homicide enquiry.
Police investigated how the car belonging to Heidi and Urban had ended up in Auckland. They found that the Subaru had been seen by a local parked on the side of Tararu Creek Road on the 9th of April. The car had a ‘For sale’ sign in the back (it is common practice for tourists to sell off their vehicles at the end of their trip, and Heidi and Urban were in the last weeks of their time in New Zealand, so this makes sense), and the man had pulled over to check the vehicle out. He said he was surprised to find the vehicle full of belongings, including a camera / camera case and backpacks in obvious view. Did Heidi and Urban head into the bush without their gear?
Another group of tourists, also from Sweden, recalled the vehicle well. They had travelled in it, having accepted a ride from a man they had met at a local backpackers lodge on the 9th or 10th of April. The man driving the car had given them the name Pat Kelly. He had offered to take them to Auckland, since he was going that way. These tourists recalled that the car carried no luggage, but that was a ‘telescopic’ fishing rod in the back. Pat Kelly, the police found, had provided an Auckland phone number when he checked in to the lodge. Following this lead, police found that the address to which the phone number belonged had no association with anyone called Pat Kelly, but the most recent tenant had been someone called David Tamihere. The police knew exactly where to find David Tamihere. He was in prison.
Tamihere was not a good guy by anyone’s standards. In 1972, at the age of 19, he had killed a woman by hitting (he claims accidentally) in the head with an air rifle. The court must have agreed that he did not have murderous intent, as he served two years for manslaughter. Then, in 1985 and 1986, he committed two home invasion rapes. He was apprehended and confessed, saying he had spent the last several years ‘not being sober’, but while on bail he decided he couldn’t face returning to prison and went on the run. An accomplished outdoorsman, he spent the next three years hiding out in the Coromandel area until he was spotted back in Auckland on the 24th May 1989 and arrested for jumping bail on his previous charges.
Tamihere had family in Auckland, a de facto partner and two sons. DI Hughes went to interview the partner and observed, while at her house, a jacket he recognised from pictures as belonging to Urban Hoglin. Tamihere’s partner reported that Tamihere had brought the jacket home and given it to one of his sons.
Tamihere was interviewed in prison. He admitted to stealing the Subaru and to pawning off the backpacks and gear. He said he had stolen the car from Tararu Creek Road and pawned off the gear in Auckland. (Remember the tourists he drove to Auckland said there was luggage in the car other than the fishing pole.) Tamihere insisted that he had never laid eyes on Heidi and Urban.
Early in the investigation, a search and rescue official had made a statement to Hughes. He had said that he and a friend of his had been tramping in the Crosbie’s Clearing area on the 8th of April and had come across a couple at a camp site. The man had been setting up a blue tent, and seemed familiar with the area as they had discussed local trails, and the search and rescue official described him as being in his early 30s, part Maori, strong build, outdoors type, clean shaven but possibly with a moustache – which, as it turns out, is a fair description of Tamihere, though I will note there is no ‘maybe’ about the moustache; Tamihere was at the time sporting an impressive horse-shoe style moustache that would have been impossible to miss. The woman with the man in the clearing was described as blonde, European, mid to late 20, and well-groomed enough that she seemed out of place in the bush. The woman did not speak during the encounter. Police made media releases, asking for this couple to come forward. No one ever did.
The search and rescue official who made that statement later saw Tamihere at a court hearing – not the least prejudicial of surroundings, but okay – and was sure that Tamihere was the man he had seen in that clearing. He could not, though, confirm that the woman with him was Heidi.
More searches were conducted of the Crosbie’s Creek area. Again, these searches were exhaustive, intensive and conducted by police and search and rescue volunteers who knew the terrain well. Nothing was found. Until, on the 29th of July, after the official searches had ended, one search and rescue volunteer went up the track to search on his own, and found a blue jacket about three metres off the track. Why had it not been found previously, given the intensive searching? The search and rescue volunteer noted specifically that the jacket had not been crumpled as if it had fallen or been thrown away, but neatly folded. As if placed, perhaps? The jacket was confirmed to be Heidi’s. Further searching in the area turned up a wallet, presumed to be Heidi’s, but nothing else.
In December 1989, a Coromandel local exploring an old barn on the Tararu Creek Road found a tent with a manufacturer’s label saying it had been made in Sweden. The tent appeared at some point to have been cut open with a knife. Interestingly, the police had searched this barn in June 1989 and had not located the tent, and Tamihere had been in custody since May, so if anyone moved the tent at a later date, it wasn’t him.
Tamihere was charged with the murder of Heidi and Urban. The case went to trail in October 1990. Along with Tamihere’s established connection to the car the Swedes had been driving, and the identification of Tamihere as the man in the clearing with the blonde woman, the police pointed to the fact that Tamihere had given his son a jacket, binoculars and a watch that belonged to Urban. But that didn’t prove Tamihere had killed the missing tourists. The case for that rested on three secret witnesses. Because we all know how reliable jailhouse testimony can be, right? But the police came forward with secret witnesses A, B, and C.
Secret Witness A testified that Tamihere had confessed to him while they were in adjoining cells in Mt Eden prison in Auckland that he had raped and killed both Heidi and Urban, and that he had had to kill them because he couldn’t take the risk of being identified and the resultant shame of being locked up for ‘fucking a bloke’. This confession, if true, was made within 24 hours of Tamihere being charged with the theft of the Sabaru, and to a man with whom Tamihere seems to have had no prior connection. This confession also indicates, according to Secret Witness A, that Tamihere did not act alone and that he was with ‘his mates’ when he encountered Heidi and Urban by chance in the bush. It’s worth noting the police have never suggested Tamihere was anything but a lone offender, so apparently they believed some of this jailhouse confession, but not others.
Secret Witness B said that Tamihere told him they would never find the bodies, because he had dismembered them.
Secret Witness C really went to town. Not only did he report that Tamihere had confessed to raping and killing Heidi and Urban, he went to some descriptive lengths about what he had been told. He had killed Urban with a lump of wood to the head. He had strangled Heidi in a tent. He had stolen the tent from a farm shed, and returned it aafterwards. Further, Secret Witness C told the court that Tamihere had confided that he had nearly been interrupted by two people who came across him when he had Heidi prisoner and was setting up a tent in a clearing. Sound familiar? Secret Witness C also indicated Tamihere had confessed to stealing a small motorized dinghy and disposing of the bodies at sea.
The jury deliberated for two days, and returned a guilty a verdict.
On the 10th of October, 1991, pig hunters found skeletal human remains near Whangamata, over 70 kms away from the search area at Crosbie’s Creek. And not 70 easy kms, with nice sealed roads – 70 rugged, hard kms, over steep terrain and in heavy bush.
The remains were identified as Urban Hoglin’s. He had not been dismembered, and he had not been disposed of at sea. His body appeared to have been dragged to where it was found. Knife marks on the clothing and the bones indicated foul play – Urban had been stabbed multiple times, and his throat had been cut deeply enough to mark the spinal vertebrae. He had been murdered, but not in the place where the police had said it had happened, and not in the way they had said in court - there was no blunt force trauma to the head. To top it off, Urban was wearing the watch that police had insisted Tamihere had given to his son.
SNITCHES GET $100,000?
In August 1995, Secret Witness C swore an affidavit rescinding his statements. He said that police had fed him the information and told him that “a sum of money up to $100,000 was available should I decide to give a statement helpful to the Police". He also claimed the police indicated they would support his early release at his parole hearing if he did what they wanted. This opened a whole can of worms, and after the affidavit became public knowledge, Secret Witness C attempted to recant again, now saying his original testimony was true. This went back and forward – true not true – for a while, but in August 2017 Secret Witness C was found guilty of perjury for his 1990 testimony. The testimony upon which Tamihere was convicted.
Double hmmmm.
DI John Hughes, while something of a legend in his own era, is not one of New Zealand’s squeaky clean police officers. Hughes was involved, albeit at a relatively junior level, in the Arthur Allen Thomas case, in which police were found to have secured a conviction by the planting of material evidence. This was the first major incidence of clear police corruption to make the media in New Zealand, and something of a landmark case. While Hughes was not in charge of that case, he was mentored by those senior officers and made statements supporting their case.
In the late 1970s, Hughes perjured himself in court by presenting a statement that he knew to be false. He knew it was false because he had thrown out the official statement because it contained no admission of guilt and had written a new one that better suited the case he wanted to present. Unfortunately for him, the accused had managed to recover the discarded confession and his lawyer presented it in court, exposing the falsified document and Hughes’ actions. The judge referred Hughes to the Police Commissioner, but no action was taken against him. Hughes had a long career with the New Zealand Police, and a reputation as a ruthless operator. According to one article I read, he was known in some circles as “The Gardener” because of how much evidence he planted.
Hughes, then, was no stranger to ‘manipulating’ the evidence to help a case on its way. Is that what happened in Tamihere’s case? Does that explain the sudden appearance of Heidi’s jacket in an area that had previously been searched many times? Is that why the tent suddenly appeared in the farm shed? Did Hughes suborn the testimony of Secret Witness C?
Perhaps Hughes was right, and Tamihere did do it. Certainly no one else has ever been in the picture for the murders of Heidi and Urban. But can we trust a conviction based on perjured testimony, orchestrated by a man known not to always play by the rules?
Tamihere was released on life parole in 2010 after serving 20 years and having mounted several appeals. Unlike the other crimes for which he was convicted, he has never admitted to the murders of Heidi and Urban. He maintains he did nothing more than steal the car and pawn the gear, and his story has never changed. In April 2020, in light of Secret Witness C’s perjury and the inconsistencies in the Crown case, Justice Minister Andrew Little announced that Tamihere's case will be sent back to the Court of Appeal.
Heidi’s body has never been found. The Coromandel is rugged and was once gold mining country – there are old mine shafts and pits all over. The bush is dense, and once off the tracks a body might lie quietly for decades until stumbled over by a hunter out looking for deer or pigs. Perhaps she’ll be found one day. Until then, may she rest under the Southern Cross.
On the murders;
A podcast transcript with a good deal of research;
On Tamihere’s appeal:
On DI Hughes;
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2020.06.20 07:06 Letoria [EVENT][RETRO] 2029 New Zealand general election

[i know, another late post. sorry]
24 November 2029
The people of New Zealand vote in a general election every three years, and the time has come once again. 120 seats are available, comprising 72 seats from single-member electorates and 48 from closed party lists. This unique arrangement is due to New Zealand having the mixed-member proportional (MMP) voting system. Since MMP was adopted in 1996, no party has ever won a majority, meaning that coalition agreements between parties are common.
Prime Minister Carmel Sepuloni and her left-wing Labour Party are seeking a second term in government alongside their coalition partner, the Green Party. The main opposition is the right-wing National Party, led by former Prime Minister Simon Bridges, the classical liberal ACT New Zealand party, and the further-right Freedom Party.
The Labour-Green government came into power on a wave of backlash against National and popularity for Sepuloni. One of the largest achievements in Sepuloni’s first term was the passage of the Drug Reform Act, which legalized all drug use and established a new system where drug addiction is treated as a health issue instead of a crime. The Act was broadly popular on its passage, being viewed positively by 61% of New Zealanders and supported by Labour, the Greens, and the minor Opportunities Party. Earlier in her term, Sepuloni responded to the eruption of the Whakaari/White Island Volcano, one of the deadliest disasters in recent memory, by permanently closing the island to tourists. Her response was widely praised as bold, and she won particular praise from many in the Māori community who consider the island sacred. Sepuloni also led the country through the death of its long-reigning queen, Elizabeth II, and the welcoming of Charles III as its first new monarch in over 75 years.
However, it hasn’t all been smooth sailing for Labour. In August of this year, people in Wellington began protesting the government’s inaction on climate change, an issue highlighted by the record high temperatures seen in recent summers. Sepuloni called climate change a “deeply pressing issue” and promised to make New Zealand run on 100% renewable energy on the campaign trail in 2026. However, there has been little done to reach this goal, despite quiet pressure from the Greens. The protests quickly grew in size and spread to Auckland and Christchurch. By the end of October, there were almost 75,000 people across the country protesting, and there was a continuous presence of picketers outside the Beehive Parliament Building in Wellington. The demonstrations became (literally) heated on 2 November when a protester in Auckland attempted to set a Labour campaign bus on fire. However, other than this event, the protests have been peaceful, if passionate. While Prime Minister Sepuloni condemned the attempted arson, she sympathized with the protesters and acknowledged her government's inaction on climate change. In a press conference earlier this month, she pledged to reach 100% renewable energy in just 10 years and establish a jobs guarantee for fossil fuel industry workers.
The National Party responded to the protests by criticizing the Labour government’s inaction and presenting their own ideas for mitigating the effect of climate change. The National strategy involves increasing the budget for public transport to $2.5 billion and giving subsidies to private companies that develop renewable energy and research atmospheric carbon dioxide removal. However, many have called the party’s response insincere, because they and their leader Simon Bridges did not implement any of these ideas during their six years in government.
Meanwhile, the minor and radically centrist Opportunities Party, led by Damian Light, has also used the protests to unveil their plan for combating climate change. The plan mandates decommissioning all coal and oil plants in New Zealand, especially the heavy carbon emitting Huntly Power Station; ending exceptions for certain large companies under carbon tax law; making all public bus and train services run on electricity from renewable sources; imposing cost discounts on fuel efficient vehicles and cost penalties on fuel inefficient vehicles; and training laid-off fossil fuels employees to work in renewable energy. The plan is seen as the most wide-sweeping and trustworthy of the main party’s platforms and has become popular among some who have become disaffected toward Labour and the Greens. Damian Light, a young and handsome (according to many on social media) up-and-comer, has also become popular since being elected leader earlier this year, having returned to the spotlight twelve years after briefly leading the United Future party before its dissolving in 2017.
On the other side of the political spectrum, the Freedom Party is preparing to contest its first general election since its creation last year. Under leader Elliot Ikilei, the party has continued the far-right rhetoric of its predecessors, NZ First and the New Conservatives. Ikilei has carried on making controversial remarks about LGBTQ people, the poor, and foreigners. The new party has also continued arguing for a more hawkish foreign policy, strongly opposing China and advocating for supporting a South Korean invasion of the North. Ikilei and the former New Conservatives had a history of climate change denial, but have recently advocated extreme limits to immigration due to concerns about resource scarcity in the face of climate change. Ikilei has also called the climate change protests in recent months “violent” and called the protesters “self-entitled, virtue-signaling rioters.”
The election could mark the end of the Labour-Green government because of low turnout from disaffected climate activists who feel ignored by major parties. The results will certainly be interesting, so matter how the election goes.

The Official Results released on 8 December
party leader(s) previous seats new seats change
National Party Simon Bridges 42 39 -3
Labour Party Carmel Sepuloni 54 46 -8
Green Party Aaron Hawkins & Chlöe Swarbrick 12 13 +1
ACT New Zealand David Seymour 3 2 -1
Freedom Party Elliot Ikilei 9 13 +4
Opportunities Party Damian Light 0 7 +7

The election turned out to be one of disgruntledness more than anything. It had a turnout of 74.4%, the lowest since 2011.
As expected, the Labour Party lost seats, owing to many usual Labour voters feeling fed up at their inaction on climate change. This discontent was also behind the one seat gained by the Green Party. The Opportunities Party entered Parliament with seven seats, drawing on disaffected climate activists and disgruntled National voters unhappy with National's stance against the Drug Reform Act.
The National Party lost three seats and continued to lose support to the New Conservatives/Freedom Party, which gained four seats and support from hawkish conservatives and National voters against their climate policies. ACT New Zealand continues to flounder, having lost votes from many of its libertarian supporters who supported the Opportunities Party due to their much more drug-friendly policies.
Following negotiations, Labour and the Greens announced that they would include the Opportunities Party in their coalition, giving the government a majority of 66 seats.
The election results put the political future of National leader Simon Bridges into question, given that he has now led National through two election defeats and a divisive leadership challenge. However, Bridges has declared that he will refuse to resign, and will fight any challenges to his leadership.
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